历年英语专业八级试题及答案（一）(8)
文章出处： 发布时间：2006-07-09
TEXT J
First read the questions.
37. In Japanese the work depato refers to ___.
A. traditional Japanese stores
B. modern stores in cities
C. special clothing stores
D. railway stores
38. During the Meiji era depato was regarded by Japanese customers as a(n ) ___ shopping place.
A. cheap B. traditional C. fashionable D. attractive
Now go through TEXT J quickly to answer questions 37 and 38.
The Japanese have two words for the modern department stores that abound in large urban areas. The older word, hyakkaten, which is seldom used in daily spee ch, can usually be found engraved in ideographs in a building cornerstone, and i t is part of a store’s official rifle. Literally "a store with one hundred ite ms ," this word was coined during the late Meiji era( 1868 - 1912), when clothing s tores began to expand their product lines and railroads began to build shops at major train crossings. The more recent and more commonly used word is depato (fr om the English ’department store’ ).
These words reflect the dual nature of Japanese department stores. Words wr itten in ideographs can impart an aura of antiquity and tradition. Frequently, a s in the case of the word hyakkaten, they suggest indigenous origin. In contrast , foreign borrowed words often give a feeling of modernity and foreignness. Many Japanese department stores actually originated in Japan several hundred years a go as dry goods stores that later patterned themselves after foreign department stores. Even the trendiest and most avant-garde of these stores practise pattern s of merchandising and retain forms of prepaid credit, customer service, and spe cial relationships with suppliers characteristic of merchandising during the Tok ygawa era (1600 - 1868). To many Japanese these large urban stores may seem lik e a direct import from the West, but like the word depato, they have undergone a transformation in the process of becoming Japanese.
Throughout the Tokygawa era, Japan was closed by decree to foreign influen ces. During the Meiji era, however, Japan reopened to the western world; concurr ently, depato emerged as large-scale merchandisers in Japan. The Meiji depato we re soon perceived by Japanese customers as glamorous places to shop because of t heir Western imports, which the Japanese were eager to see and buy. Depato also sold Japanese goods but often followed practices that people of the time conside red foreign, such as letting customers wear their shoes while shopping in the st ore.
A representative of the Japan Department Store Association told me that th roughout their history depato have played on the Japanese interest in foreign pl aces, cultures and objects, and that to a great extent these were introduced to Japan through department stores. I suggest that in addition to this role of cult ural importer depato have also been involved in the creation of domestic cultura l meanings. They have made foreign customs, ideas and merchandise familiar by gi ving them meanings consistent with Japanese cultural practice.
TEXT K
First read the questions.
39. The Agency for International Development is a ___ organization.
A. new B. regional C. UN D. US
40. According to NDS’s statistics, the number of babies the average Phil ipino woman bears dropped by ___ between 1960 and 1993.
A.4.1 B.6.4 C.2.3 D.2.9
Now go through TEXT K quickly to answer questions 39 and 40.
When representatives from 170 nations gather in Cairo next month for the th ird International Conference on Population and Development, they will vote on th e largest population-control plan in history. It is ambitious. Not only does it call for a host of "reproductive fights" and aim to freeze world population at 7 2 billion people by 2050; it also calls for billions of dollars in new governme nt spending on the issue-US $ 13.2 billion by the end of the century.
Some of the plan’s provisions have already aroused opposition, most notabl y from Pope John Paul II. All this has been gleefully covered by the newspapers. Yet scant attention has been paid to many of the dubious social and economic ass umptions that underlie the plan. In particular, it is interesting to see how the se programmes are being sold in places like the Philippines, on the front lines of the population debate. For the way the proponents of population control have gone about pushing their programmes raises serious doubts about the integrity of their studies, their ultimate value to development, and the role of foreign-aid groups.
Although population-control measures in the Philippines never reached the coercive levels they did in India, they were not popular. This time, proponents have learned their lesson. For the past few years, they have been quietly laying the groundwork for Cairo. Rather than attack the issue head-on, it has been red efined in terms of a host of new"reproductive rights"to which the solution is invariably a government-funded initiative.
We have just had a good taste of this in the Philippines. The National Sta tistics Office recently published the results of the 1993 National Demographic S urvey(NDS),which happens to have been funded by the U.S. Agency for Internationa l Development. It is probably mere coincidence, but the NDS report, published on the eve of the Cairo meeting, nicely supports the thrust of the Cairo Declarati on. That is, it has found a connection between mothers’ and children’s health an d fertility behaviour. The implication is that large-scale government family-pla nning programmes are essential if health issues are to be addressed.
But the demographic survey seems to have been selective about what facts i t would report and connections it would make. Take the health issue. The documen t concludes that the high risk of infant, child and maternal mortality is associ ated with pregnancies where mothers are too young, too old, or have already had several children. But a discussion of poverty is missing from the list of factor s related to health. It would be difficult to deny that poverty, lack of access to safe water, poor housing, poor hygiene and unsanitary conditions all have a s trong bearing on the health of the mother and child. Although the NDS collected data on housing characteristics, it did not include any data on income.
A closer look at the fertility behaviour of the poor is important because of the extensive literature on the "replacement effect" of high infant mortali ty . Statistical studies in various countries show high fertility among the poor as a rational desire to have children who will survive into adulthood to help take care of them. This helps to explain why many poor women have babies at such sho rt intervals. The 1993 NDS would have been a good opportunity to verify the vali dity of this behaviour in the Philippines.
The NDS avoided collecting data on socio-economic variables that would have a serious effect on these health issues. But, in one area, it made painstaking efforts to quantify fertility preference to derive figures for planned and unpla nned pregnancies. It concluded that "if all unwanted births were avoided, the t o tal fertility rate would be 2.9 children, which is almost 30% less than the obse rved rate. "This, too, was used to establish an "unmet" need requiring a gove rnment programme.
Yet the NDS’s own numbers suggest that Filipinos are aware of their option s . The total fertility rote——the number of babies the average woman bears over her lifetime——has dropped to 4.1 in 1993 from 6.4 in 1960. Some 61% used contr aceptives, just a few percentage points short of the 65-80% rate prevailing in E urope, North America and most of East Asia. The delay of marriage by Filipinos t o the age of 23 years represents a reduction of the risk of pregnancy by 19% giv en the 35 years of their reproductive life.
In short, the Philippines has its problems but its people are not as ignor ant as the population-control lobby would suppose. Unfortunately, this lobby has development dollars, organizational muscle and support of the media. "We’ve b ui lt a consensus about population as a global issue and family planning as a healt h issue," says the UN’s Naris Sadik, host of the conference. Yes, they have. A nd now we know how.
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